On 6 October, Sébastien Lecornu resigned as France’s Prime Minister after an unprecedentedly brief stint in power. Just days later, he was reappointed by President Macron and tasked with cobbling together a cabinet that could pass his austerity budget.
Immediately on re-taking office, he was presented with motions of no confidence from La France Insoumise (LFI) on the left, and National Rally (RN) on the right.
Lecornu’s government survived the no confidence vote, which took place on 16 October, by 18 MPs – saved by the MPs of the ‘centre-left’ Socialist Party (PS).
On 16 October, socialist MPs were the only members of the official ‘opposition’ to reject the motion of no confidence, abstaining in the vote. All it took for them to decide to support the Lecornu government was for him to commit to suspending the implementation of the 2023 pension reform.
The rest of the government’s budget includes tens of billions of euros in cuts and tax increases affecting the general population. It is a totally reactionary budget, yet PS are proclaiming ‘victory!’
This is a good illustration of the role of these reformist leaders today: they no longer aim for reforms; they negotiate marginal concessions over the speed and intensity of the attacks.
Betrayal
To cover up their capitulation, the PS leaders claim that by renouncing the use of article 49.3 of the constitution (which allows the government to pass laws without a vote in parliament), Lecornu has opened up the possibility of MPs giving the budget a progressive content through amendments.
In reality, this is absolutely out of the question. With or without article 49.3, the government has many means at its disposal to impose an austerity budget. Only marginal ‘concessions’ will (perhaps) be on the agenda.
The leaders of LFI – the main party of the Left – called on the PS MPs to vote for censure… in vain. ‘Betrayal!’ exclaimed the leaders of Mélenchon’s movement.
But the PS leaders have been systematically betraying the masses of the exploited and oppressed for several decades. Whether in power or in ‘opposition’, the ‘socialist’ leaders have only one directive: the defence of the fundamental interests of the French bourgeoisie.
Young people and workers understand this. By crying ‘betrayal’, the leaders of LFI are kicking down doors that have been open for a very long time.
Above all, they avoid asking themselves what responsibility they bear for the current situation. It was the LFI leadership itself, with its electoral fronts, that saved the PS from disaster in 2022 and 2024 – giving PS this opportunity to support Lecornu.
Break with reformism
Many rank and file LFI activists and supporters are fully aware of this. They are calling for a complete break with the PS, but also with the Communist Party (PCF) and the Greens, who on all burning political issues – including the genocide in Gaza – have attacked the LFI from the right, and have found a thousand excuses for PS’ betrayals.
This is completely correct. It is urgent that the leaders of LFI break with the right wing of reformism (PS, Greens, PCF) on the basis of a radical programme and a strategy of large extra-parliamentary mobilisations.
Failing this, it is Le Pen’s National Rally (RN) that will benefit, as it will capture a large part of the exasperation of the exploited and oppressed.
Failure to understand this, means missing the fundamental political process that is unfolding.
There is immense anger in society and growing political polarisation, with an ever clearer rejection of the ‘centrist’ parties – including PS, Greens, and PCF.
The Lecornu government remains extremely fragile. It is not impossible that it will collapse in the coming weeks.
Block everything
But the surest way to bring down Lecornu and, above all, to open up the prospect of a break with all austerity policies, is to build a powerful mass movement, in the streets and in the workplaces, to ‘block everything’.
The mobilisations of 10 and 18 September showed that there are enormous reserves of militancy among young people and workers. This remains the central element of the current political situation.
Therefore, the most militant activists in the labour movement must develop a serious battle plan, based on a militant programme and a broad agitational campaign.
The aim must be to put an end to the government of the rich and replace it with a government of the workers, who will be able to reorganise the economy for the benefit of the majority.
