Two funeral processions turned into
mass protests on the streets of Egypt today. Over the last 5 days
thousands of people have taken to the streets in order to protest
against a decree announced by the Egyptian president, Mohammed Morsi,
allowing him to rule more or less autocratically. The events have
publicly displayed the true nature of the Muslim Brotherhood who once
claimed to be representatives of democracy in Egypt. At the same time
these events show that none of the contradictions which led to the
revolution have been solved and that under the surface a new wave of
revolution is being prepared.
Two funeral processions turned into
mass protests on the streets of Egypt today (Monday). Over the last 5 days
thousands of people have taken to the streets in order to protest
against a decree announced by the Egyptian president, Mohammed Morsi,
allowing him to rule more or less autocratically. The events have
publicly displayed the true nature of the Muslim Brotherhood who once
claimed to be representatives of democracy in Egypt. At the same time
these events show that none of the contradictions which led to the
revolution have been solved and that under the surface a new wave of
revolution is being prepared.
Gaber Salah"If
I fail to come back, I ask the people to continue with the revolution
and claim our rights," wrote 16 year old Gaber Salah on his Facebook
page shortly before his death fighting against police forces near Cairo’
Tahrir square last friday. Today thousands answered his call by joining
his funeral that went through that same iconic square.
Also in the funeral of Islam Masoud a 15 year old that was killed on
Saturday fighting against Muslim Brotherhood forces, was attended by
thousand in Damanhour. Saleh was killed as he participated in a mass
protest that attacked the offices of the Muslim Brotherhood in Damanhour
on Saturday. Before going to another protest on Friday (which also
happened to be the first anniversary of the deadly clashes between
revolutionaries and security forces on Mohamed Mahmoud street near
Tahrir square) Saleh wrote on his facebook page:
"I am going for the sake of the blood of our brothers and sisters; I
am going to Mohamed Mahmoud for the sake of the revolution; I, am also
going because I carried with my own hands my friend, Ahmed Osama, after
being killed; I am going to regain my country,"
The New Pharoah
mass protests followed 4 days of protests which erupted on 22 November
2012, when president Mohammed Morsi issued a declaration which in
practice concentrates all state power in his hands. He declared that all
of his decisions and the laws he issues are immune from any challenge
and cannot be overturned. He also said that no judicial body can
dissolve the constituent assembly, a thoroughly non-representative organ
firmly controlled by Morsi’s Muslim Brotherhood. Not even the
overthrown president Hosni Mubarak enjoyed such wide-ranging powers.
While trying to cover the key points of his declaration he also
announced a few concessions such as a new investigation into some of the
crimes committed by members of the old regime. This is a demand that
the revolutionaries have fought for since the first day of the
revolution. But it is clear that Morsi is not going to apply this – at
least not at top level where all of the SCAF and even some of his own
ministers, such as Ahmed Gamal who heads the hated interior ministry,
are directly linked to the old regime.
In June when Morsi was elected as president, he leaned on the masses
to strike blows against parts of the old regime that were not willing to
share power with him. But it is also clear that Morsi and the SCAF
immediately struck a deal after the elections which meant that the SCAF
would allow the Muslim Brotherhood to take a share of power while the
Brotherhood would keep the old state apparatus including the armed
forces intact.
This time, having the army off his back, Morsi thought that by giving
a few concessions as well as focussing on taking power away from the
hated judiciary he could divide the movement and push his main agenda
through.
The judiciary initially responded by declaring a national strike, but
this measure was quickly abandoned as the Supreme Judiciary Council,
watered down its opposition to the decrees.
It told judges and prosecutors to return to work and announced that
its members would meet Mr Morsi today to try to persuade him to restrict
immunity to major state decisions like declaring war or martial law or
breaking diplomatic relations with foreign nations. In other words the
judges are making it clear that they are willing to strike a deal with
Morsi as well.
Intense clashes
Morsi’s
power grab was correctly seen by the youth as an attack against the
revolution. On Friday thousands poured into Cairo’s Tahrir square to
show their opposition to the President. In scenes which resembled those
on the first days of the revolution the protestors were shouting slogans
like “The people want to bring down the regime,” and “Down, down,
Mursi-Mubarak.”
Throughout the day as more and more people gathered in the square,
violent clashed broke out between the protestors and the security
forces.
But the protests weren’t limited to Cairo. Through the weekend there
were major protests in Alexandria, Port Said, Suez, El Behaira ,
Dakhalia , Assuit, Qena , Luxor, Aswan, Damanhour, Tanta and many more
towns and cities.
At least in Alexandria, Port Said and Suez –all three old strongholds
of the Brotherhood – the offices of the ruling party were attacked. In
the major industrial city of El-Mahalla El-Kubra, the members of the MB
had to organise defence teams to stave off angry protestors who wanted
to storm their offices.
In Damietta a protest in front of the MB headquarters was attacked by
a small group while the police withdrew from the scene. In Aswan ,
there were also clashes between protesters and security forces at the MB
headquarters in the city.
A blogger wrote about the Port Said and Suez :
“Port Said was on fire for real last night. There was an attempt to
storm the FJP HQ in Port Said last night just like Alexandria but armed
Salafists unleashed attack on the protesters. According to eye witnesses
these Salafists got automatic guns and came in tracks. There were many
injured in these clashes. No police was found.Morsi got 46% of the votes
there.
In Suez the protesters attacked the Muslim brotherhood HQ in the city
with rocks and Molotov cocktails. The protesters also attacked the FJP
HQ in Suez and there have been clashes between and the Salafists who
appeared suddenly to protect it.The protesters accused MB supporters of
using gunshots and bird shots against them.”
The responses of the state to the protests were very violent. It is
clear that in many places the Muslim Brotherhood, the Salafists and the
police were coordinating their forces with the police acting as defence
guards and the Salafists as shock troops. Throughout the weekend more
than 500 people were injured and several – all oppositionists – have
been killed.
Which stages are we passing through?
The Egyptian revolution is entering a new stage. “Everything has
changed, nothing has changed” this is an often heard statement in Egypt.
The revolutionary masses brought down a ferocious regime that had a
massive state apparatus and a fully developed repressive system as well
as the full backing of all major powers of the world. They did this
without a plan, without a programme, without an organisation and without
a revolutionary leadership.
But after almost two years of struggle nothing has fundamentally
changed in society. People are tired of constant demonstrations and
mobilisations that do not bring about any feasible results. They are
therefore less prone to aimlessly taking to the streets and the broadest
layers of the feel disoriented and without a clear perspective.
But the Morsi’s decree has been a wakeup call. Especially the
advanced layers feel that the revolution is in danger. This process is
common to all revolutions. After the initial stages of euphoria, the
advanced layers as the first ones realize that all is not good. They see
that behind the scenes a deal is being struck with the old rulers to
sell off the revolution. This radicalises them and spurs them to an
offensive against the reactionary leaders who are about to sell off the
revolution. This is a very dangerous time because the advanced layers
are in danger of being isolated and thus vulnerable to attacks from the
counter-revolution. But never the less they anticipate a process which
will also take place amongst the masses.
Tomorrow there is a call for a million man march against the regime.
The Muslim Brotherhood has also called for a demonstration – Also in
Tahrir square. This is clearly a provocation, and it could seem that the
MB feels strong enough to a direct encounter with the revolution. But
it is not at all certain that the Brotherhood will walk out of this
clash all safe and sound.
The Muslim Brotherhood achieved 10 million votes in the parliamentary
elections last year, but already by at the first round of the
presidential elections that vote had been halved. On the other side the
revolution at its peak had 15-20 million people on the streets. A public
and open move against the revolution might be what spurs the broad
layers of the masses back into struggle and crushes the Brotherhood all
together.
Contradictions of the revolution
Almost two years after the revolution began it is clear to most
Egyptians that not much is changed. Many people, although they did not
necessarily fully supported the Brotherhood were thinking “they are not
like the old ones, they have clean hands and they are democratic”. But
as the fog of religion which the Brotherhood used to hide behind clears
up, many people are starting to realize that there are no fundamental
difference between Morsi and Mubarak. While the faces at the top have
changed, the old state apparatus remains in the hands of the old ruling
class in Egypt.
But as we have said many times before: In the final analysis, the
question of democracy cannot be separated from the question of bread.
But capitalism today, being in a deep crisis on a global scale, not only
cannot afford to give concessions, but is forced to attack living
standards of the working masses. Egypt is no exception to this. Since
2011 GDP growth has fallen from 6 percent to 1.8 percent, pushing
millions deeper into poverty. Unemployment has risen to 12.6 percent.
Foreign direct investment has fallen to just $218 million in the first
quarter of this year, compared with $2.1 billion in the same period of
2011.
In this context, ever since the revolution there has been a rising
workers movement developing with millions of workers going on long and
militant strikes for their modest demands. Only in the last month there
have been more than 1.000 strikes; a figure which has only been higher
in the months immediately after the revolution. But the regime – to
which the MB and the Salafists now also belong – which is incapable of
fulfilling the demands of the workers, is increasingly meeting the
strikes and protests with repression defending the interests of capital
and big business.
The only way of reaching even the most modest demands of the working
class, it is necessary to break with the capitalist system as a whole.
It is necessary to expropriate the property of the ruling class and its
imperialist bosses and introduce a democratically planned economy to
develop society. As long as the revolution fails to break the rule of
capital in the country misery and poverty will continue to prevail. In
the final analysis, the dictatorships in the Middle East are all are
reflection of this contradiction.
The revolutionary masses will learn these lessons the hard way,
through many bitter setbacks and defeats. Had there been a Marxist mass
organisation like the Bolshevik party in Russia in 1917, this process
would have been quicker. But the lack of any real revolutionary
leadership for the working class turns this process into a long and
protracted one.
But never the less this process is taking place. While a certain
hopelessness and disappointment prevails on the surface, there is a
profound process going on beneath. Especially the youth and the advanced
workers are becoming more and more radicalised by the day and they are
looking for ideas that can explain a way out of the impasse. They are
beginning to understand that a fundamental change of the system is
necessary.
The Egyptian revolution is far from finished. While reaction might
seem to be firmly in control of the situation, their base is very
fragile. At the same time the masses remember that they alone, without
any help, brought down the Mubarak regime. This weekend’s protests
reveal a corner of the anger that is simmering beneath the surface.
The Brotherhood is a bourgeois party and have no choice but to
continue to carry out the attacks of capital on the working masses. But
every new murder and every new act of injustice fills the minds of the
masses with more bitterness and hatred. Sooner or later this will lead
to an open clash. Nothing has been settled yet – a new revolution is
being prepared.
