Sixty years ago in the closing stages of the Second World War, and
for the first time in Britain, a Trotskyist party contested a
Parliamentary election. This was the little known Neath by-election on
15th May 1945.
The Trotskyists at this time were organised in the Revolutionary
Communist Party, a small party established in March 1944. Unlike
today’s “revolutionary” grouplets that water down their programme in
the most opportunist and reformist fashion, the RCP was not out to win
cheap votes, but to raise the fundamental tasks of the working class in
the clearest, sharpest and most principled way. The party’s platform
was uncompromisingly revolutionary:
“In the whole course of the war”, proclaimed the party’s paper, the Socialist Appeal
of January 1945, “not a single election has been fought wherein a
direct revolutionary appeal has been made to the electorate. The
Revolutionary Communist Party will make this election a test of the
real feelings in the ranks of the working class. Our candidate will
fight on a platform of uncompromising hostility to the imperialist war,
for the breaking of the Coalition, for the overthrow of the Churchill
Government and for Labour to take power on a Socialist platform…
“The Trotskyist candidate will fight the election on the basis of
international socialism; he will conduct his fight on the traditions of
the great socialist teachers of our time – Marx, Lenin, Liebknecht and
Trotsky. For the overthrow and destruction of Nazism as well as the
monarchist and capitalist quislings and governments set up by
Anglo-American imperialism in ‘liberated’ territories. Land to the
peasants and factories to the workers throughout Europe and the world!
Not the military domination of Europe by the Allied imperialist armies,
but a United Socialist States of Europe. In particular he will appeal
for a hand of friendship and fraternity to the German working class for
the overthrow of Hitler and the establishment of the Socialist
brotherhood of European nations – Against Vansittartism – against
reparations, against blockade and revenge on the German working class.”
The Revolutionary Communist Party was formed from the unification of
two Trotskyist groups, the remnants of the ineffective Revolutionary
Socialist League (the official section of the 4th International) and
the much larger and successful Workers’ International League, which had
developed a significant industrial base. Its founding conference
deliberately chose the name Revolutionary Communist Party in contrast
to the pro-war “Communist” Party, which it dubbed “His Majesty’s
Communist Party”.
Ever since its inception, the young party had been subjected to a
witch-hunt by the gutter press as well as persecution by the forces of
the state. Led by the reactionary Daily Mail, which only a
few years earlier had been a vigorous supporter of Sir Oswald Mosley
and his British Union of Fascists, the press had accused the
newly-formed RCP of being responsible for the “present discontent in
the coalfields and other sections of industry by poisoning the miners’
minds both against their own leaders and the government.” They referred
to the Trotskyists as “Stalin-haters”, after the Mail had
switch from Hitler to become a fervent admirer of Joseph Stalin, and
urged the government to take firm action against these militant
“trouble-makers”.
The Churchill government swiftly obliged with Special Branch raids
on the headquarters of the RCP and members’ homes in Nottingham,
Glasgow and Newcastle. At that time the party was giving assistance to
apprentices in Tyneside in their opposition to the Bevin Boy scheme,
which forced young workers into the mines. Four leaders of the RCP,
including its general secretary Jock Haston, were framed and arrested
on charges of furtherance of an illegal strike, conspiracy and
incitement. They were imprisoned under the Trades Dispute Act of 1927,
brought in after the betrayal of the 1926 General Strike, the first and
only time the Act was used in Britain.
Eventually, they were released on appeal on 23rd August 1944 after a
successful Labour movement campaign involving Aneurin Bevan MP, James
Maxton MP, S.O. Davies MP, Sidney Silverman MP, and others. Such was
the success of the campaign that the protests, to the alarm of the
government, even reached into the Armed Forces.
Throughout the war, the Trotskyists consistently and heroically put
forward a revolutionary programme in the pages of its newspaper Socialist Appeal. Its banner heading “Our Programme for Power” proclaimed:
“An end to the coalition with the bosses. Labour and trade union
leaders must break with the capitalist government and wage a campaign
for power on the following programme:
- Immediate despatch of arms and material to the Soviet Union under the control of the trades unions and factory committees.
- Nationalisation of the land, mines, banks, transport and all big industry without compensation.
- Confiscation of all war profits – all company books to be open for trade union inspection.
- Workers’ control of production to be exercised through workers’ committees to end chaos and mismanagement in industry.
-
Equal distribution of food, clothes and other consumers’ commodities
under the control of committees of workers elected from the
distributive trades, factories, housewives’ committees and small
shopkeepers. - Sliding scale of wages to meet the increased cost of living with a guaranteed minimum.
- Repeal of the Essential Works Order and all other anti-working class and strikebreaking laws.
-
Clear out the reactionary pro-fascist officer caste in the army and
Home Guard. Election of officers by the soldiers. Trade union wages for
all workers in the armed forces. - Establishment of military academies by the trade unions at the expense of the state for the training of worker-officers.
-
Arming of the workers under control of committees of workers elected in
factories, unions and in the streets against the danger of invasion or
Petainism. - Freedom for Ireland, India and the colonies
-
A socialist appeal to the workers of Germany and Europe on the basis of
this programme in Britain to join the socialist struggle against Hitler
for the Socialist United States of Europe.”
This programme constituted an application of Trotsky’s “proletarian
military policy”, which allowed the Trotskyists to re-orientate
themselves to the new situation of world war. Trotsky explained that in
the present context it was incorrect to advance the old slogan of
revolutionary defeatism – the defeat of “one’s own” imperialism – in a
crude fashion. He explained that while Lenin had advocated this
position in the First World War, it was in a different context aimed at
the advanced guard and not the broad masses. The workers’ vanguard was
taken totally unawares by the betrayal of the leaders of the Second
International and their capitulation before their separate national
bourgeoisies. Lenin was therefore attempting to combat chauvinism and
educate the revolutionary cadres in the spirit of internationalism.
In the circumstances of the Second World War, it would have been
completely wrong to give any impression to workers that the Trotskyists
favoured support for the “enemy” imperialism, especially given the
justifiable hatred of British workers for Hitler and the Nazis. This
would have constituted a ridiculous inverted chauvinism, a position
advocated by the Revolutionary Socialist League – which doomed it as a
sect vegetating in the environment of the bedroom.
While the RCP opposed the imperialist war, which it regarded as a
continuation of the First World War, it refused to put forward a
pacifist or “peace” programme, which had no appeal for workers faced
with Hitler’s armies. Instead, the Trotskyists exposed the war aims of
the imperialists, who supported Hitler when it suited them, and
advocated instead a genuine revolutionary “war against fascism”. Such a
war could not be fought under the leadership of Churchill and the
capitalists, but only when capitalism was overthrown and the working
class were in power. This military programme served to connect with the
advanced class-conscious layers of the working class who distrusted
Churchill but who wanted to fight fascism. This was especially the case
after the fall of France in 1940 and the betrayal of the French ruling
class.
The RCP’s programme also contrasted sharply with that of the
so-called Communist Party, which, after the German invasion of the USSR
in mid-1941, had become an open supporter of Churchill and the war
effort. On the industrial front, the Stalinists opposed all strikes and
became the most blatant strikebreakers. All work stoppages were
denounced as a betrayal of the war effort, while class collaboration
became the key platform of the “Communists”. As a consequence, the
Trotskyists were labelled by the Stalinists as agents of Hitler, who
must be driven out of the workplaces. On the electoral front, the CP
became the most ardent chauvinists (“the only good German is a dead
German”) and as well as an enthusiastic cheerleader for the Coalition
government.
“For Labour to fight by-elections where the government candidate is
a Tory is not the way forward,” stated the “Communist” Party.
“Everything that Labour does must be directed towards strengthening
national unity. To fight elections on the Labour versus Tory basis
would open up issues that divide.” The Stalinists fully supported the
wartime political truce, whereby if a by-election occurred, the party
holding the seat simply nominated a candidate and the others agreed not
to stand.
The Trotskyists were determined to expose this myth of “national
unity”. An important opportunity came in early 1945 when a by-election
was called in Neath, South Wales, after the death of the sitting MP.
This would allow the RCP to enter the electoral field and engage in
mass work to contrast their programme with those of the other pro-war
parties.
South Wales was regarded as a fertile area for the RCP for a number
of reasons. First of all, the area was traditionally a stronghold of
both Labour and Communist Parties. But with Labour in a Coalition with
Churchill and the “Communist” Party loyal to the Coalition, this
alienated many advanced workers, a layer of whom could be attracted to
a revolutionary alternative. The militant traditions of the South Wales
working class were also reflected in the high level of unofficial
strikes, especially in the coal industry. Of the thirty pits in South
Wales, which, during the war experienced more than five stoppages,
twenty were in the anthracite district of West Wales. Under these
circumstances, the strikebreaking actions of the “Communists” served to
repel the best militants. While the RCP had no illusions in winning the
seat (where Labour had a huge majority), it hoped to connect with the
socialist and class-conscious traditions and undermine the position of
the “Communist” Party in South Wales.
The announcement of the RCP to stand Jock Haston, its general
secretary, as its candidate in Neath badly stung the “Communist” Party.
The West Wales CP sent a letter to the local Evening Post
denouncing the RCP: “In contrast to their policy of disunity and
strikes the Communist Party stands for national unity of all people who
are for the defeat of Germany and for a people’s peace… We call upon
the people to reject the policy of these proved enemies of the workers,
as their policy is definitely opposed to the present and future
interests of the working class.”
The RCP hit back by challenging the Stalinised “Communist” Party
through the press to a public debate to back up their slanders, but
they constantly refused. This was followed by Haston’s speaking tour
throughout the constituency, beginning at the Miners’ Welfare Hall in
Gwaun-Cae-Gurwen, the heart of the anthracite coalfield. Chaired by
local miner John “Crown” Jones, a new Trotskyist recruit, Haston
exposed the counter-revolutionary role of Churchill and the British
Labour and trade union leaders in Greece and Europe. “The workers of
Britain”, he said, “must show that their internationalism is based on
‘Workers of the World Unite’ by clasping the hands of the workers of
Europe and Germany and forcing their leaders to break the coalition.”
The report in the Socialist Appeal told of “a
magnificent response” and “growing demand for our pamphlets.” By early
February 150 copies of “ABC of Trotskyism” had been sold. More meetings
were planned with Haston, Ted Grant, the editor of Socialist Appeal, Ajit Roy and a Greek revolutionary.
The “Communist” Party kept churning out the lies about fascist
agents and traded blows about the Moscow Trials. However, the RCP
contrasted their proud role of being prepared to go to prison for their
class at a time when the CP was engaged in class collaboration and
strikebreaking.
Practically the whole of the RCP’s membership, some 400 comrades,
were mobilised to help in the campaign, coming to Neath whenever they
could, sleeping on floors, and donating whatever money they could.
Small offices were rented in Alfred Street, Neath, which were a hive of
activity. Such was the impact of the campaign that members of the local
ILP volunteered to help, and some were to join the RCP after the
election.
The CP instead volunteered to help the Labour campaign, but this was
rejected. Nevertheless, they continued to attack the Trotskyists. “Thus
the Trotskyists are not fighting for Socialism. Their fight is a fight
to save Fascism. They are the Agents of Fascism in the ranks of the
working class. They are Wolves in Sheep’s clothing. They are a greater
menace and far more dangerous than a Fascist paratrooper.” They poured
out a stream of abuse in a series of leaflets and a pamphlet entitled
“Trounce the Trotskyists”.
The fierce response of the RCP to these attacks was continually
concluded with a challenge to the CP to debate. Over time, this was
having a big effect within the Stalinist ranks. Election meetings of
the RCP were large by any standards, but especially in comparison with
those of the Labour Party and the Welsh nationalists, who were also
standing. “More and more workers are beginning to talk about our
programme. Go into any café or pub and the subject under discussion is
the by-election – the difference between the Trotskyists and the
Stalinists”, commented a report in the Socialist Appeal.
The CP held a public meeting in late April on the subject “Trounce
the Trotskyists”, with 300 present. A week later 750 attended an RCP
meeting in the Gwyn Hall, Neath. It was the biggest meeting so far of
the election campaign and was addressed by Ted Grant, Bob Condon,
Miners’ Agent Cannock Chase, and Jock Haston. “We have opposed this war
from the beginning. This is a war for profits. The working class can
only fight fascism by taking power into its own hands”, stated Haston.
Mounting pressure within the ranks of the CP for a debate with the
Trotskyists was now forcing the hands of the leadership. Eventually
they had no alternative but to relent. The debate took place on the eve
of the poll. “The greatest mass rally of Neath workers to be held in
the Gwyn Hall since 1929, when Ramsay Macdonald addressed the meeting,
took place on Sunday, May 13th, convened in support of Comrade Jock
Haston, the Revolutionary Communist Party Candidate”, reported the Socialist Appeal.
Some 1,500 workers packed into the debate, where Alun Thomas, leader
of the West Wales CP, took on Jock Haston. Hundreds were left outside
as the hall reached capacity. Thomas, behind a giant banner “Long Live
the 4th International”, opened by saying that it was not the usual
policy of the CP to debate with Trotskyists. Unfortunately, he said,
there were some politically backward people in Neath who had been
persuaded by the demagogy of Haston. He went on to defend the
class-collaborationist record of the CP and explained that the Moscow
Trials had proved conclusively that the Trotskyists were fascists.
“Haston wants to hasten things. He has never said Hitler was wrong. He
has never said anything against Hitler… Haston and Hitler are the
only two who are right… Haston has come to this election to confuse
and split the workers.” He concluded, to the shock of much of the
audience: “In Russia they defeated fascism because they shot all the
Trotskyists and the Fifth column scum, and if we had our way, these
people on this platform would be shot.”
Haston opened his reply by saying that Thomas’ statement about it
not being the CP’s policy to debate with Trotskyists was the only true
part of his speech. However, the CP had been forced to debate.
He then went on to deal with the Moscow frame-up trials, the CP’s
policy of “peace on Hitler’s’ terms”, the Stalin-Hitler Pact, Third
Period Stalinism where the CP advocated the physical smashing of Labour
meetings, the expulsion of Trotskyists for advocating a united front to
defeat Hitler, the bureaucratisation of the USSR, and the capitulation
of the CP to Churchill and reformism.
Throughout the debate, Haston was assisted ably by Ted Grant who was
busy handing Jock relevant quotations from the Stalinist press used to
crush Thomas’ arguments.
“In the course of this campaign”, stated Haston, “we have attempted
to raise the fundamental political issues before the working class.
Anyone who has studied the literature distributed by ‘His Majesty’s
Communist Party’ or attended their meetings will find concentrated
slander but no political attack.”
On election day the RCP managed to achieve a magnificent 1,781 votes for revolutionary communism. The Socialist Appeal supplement brought out soon afterwards explained under the headline “Trotskyism Lays Roots in Wales”:
“The advanced section of Neath workers demonstrated by their vote
that they want an end of the policy of class collaboration and
reformism pursued by their leaders, and are demanding a fighting policy
against the capitalist class.
“At a time when the policy of international socialism is under
violent attack from not only the capitalist class, but from every
section of the Labour and Stalinist movement, the fact that in a small
area of Wales, 1,781 workers voted for a policy of revolutionary
socialism, holds out great hope for the future of the working class
movement. This vote was cast in face of the bitterest and most
hysterical slander campaign to be seen in an election for many years.”
As expected the Labour Party polled over 30,000, which still
reflected the great loyalty of workers to Labour, while the
nationalists gained some 6,000 votes. The RCP’s vote was qualitatively
different, representing the most class-conscious workers looking for a
clear Trotskyist lead. Even then, the RCP never had a sectarian
approach to the mass organisations, unlike the sects of today. “The
discussions with Labour Party members were always on the plane of how
best to change the Labour Party policy by fighting from within”, stated
the Socialist Appeal. “We explained that in the General
Election when the Labour Party was standing on an independent platform
we would call on the workers to support the Labour Party and vote
Labour. We would not create the illusion that the Labour Party could
solve the problems of the working class with its programme of reforms.
Throughout the campaign we would put forward our alternative policy as
the only solution to the problems of the working class.”
Over £130 worth of literature – a massive figure in today’s terms –
was sold in the three months of the campaign. Some 7,500 copies of the
special February edition of Socialist Appeal were sold –
approximately one to every three houses. Hundreds of copies of the “ABC
of Trotskyism” were sold, in fact it was sold out, as well as many
hundreds of other pamphlets. About 2,000 of each issue of the Socialist
Appeal were sold and some 30,000 leaflets were distributed. There was
chalking, whitewashing and billposting, paper selling, canvassing,
speaking and endless contact work.
The RCP concluded in an internal report: “1,781 votes for a bold
policy of class struggle and internationalism despite V.E. Day
celebrations, Buchenwald horror campaigns, the high pressure slander
efforts of the Stalinism, and the very strong Labour traditions of the
Welsh workers is sufficient proof of the existence of this…
(revolutionary) tendency… what votes we did get were definitely votes
against the Labour Party as a programme and for the policy of
Revolutionary Communism.”
In the Socialist Appeal supplement, the party summed up the
whole experience: “What is the lasting achievement of the campaign? It
can be seen already in the heightening of the political consciousness
of organised Labour in this area. To the older generation of workers,
embittered and disillusioned by the repeated betrayals of Reformism and
Stalinism our campaign for Revolutionary Socialism brought a new
inspiration and revived the will to struggle. To the working youth from
the mines and the factories, hundreds of whom listened with rapt
attention to Comrade Haston and our speakers, our campaign came as a
rousing call to prepare themselves by study and understanding for the
great class battles of our epoch. Trotskyism has found its roots in
Wales. But its richest harvest will be reaped in the years to come. Our
campaign has begun the process of unifying the mighty power and
fighting capacity of Welsh Labour with the ideas and principles of
militant Socialism – of Trotskyism. Out of this combination will be
born a new fighting leadership – a tower of strength for the entire
working class movement in Britain in the coming struggle for Power.”
Although the heroic work of the RCP did not result in the building
of a mass Trotskyist party, mainly for objective reasons, the party
laid down great traditions. Today, we stand on the shoulders of those
comrades who did so much. In particular, the work of comrade Ted Grant,
the political secretary of the RCP as well as its key theoretician,
provided the unbroken thread of Trotskyism throughout those years to
the present day. Even now, in his advanced years, Ted helps to educate
and train the new generation of comrades. Today, we can find
inspiration in the Neath by-election and the past struggles of the
Trotskyist movement. To quote Jock Haston’s closing remark to the
pre-election mass rally: “Long live the International solidarity of the
working class! Workers of all lands unite; you have nothing to lose but
your chains. You have a world to win!”
